If she loses persuadables by the same margins that Obama lost independents in 2012, she would need to turn out practically all of her unreliable Democrat-leaning voters to keep Ohio blue. If Trump can steal someof the nearly222,000 working-class white men who are expected to vote for Clinton, Democrats mayhave to start looking for votes in a place most campaigns are loath to seek out targets: among the nearly 1 million Ohioans who are not regular voters and also not obviously tied to one party or the otheran especially difficult, costly bunch to persuade and mobilize. Numbers like this explain why the Clinton has spent more on TV advertising in Ohio than in any battleground state except Floridamore than $13.5 million since mid-June. Her team is shelling out more than $1 million a week on spots that, among other messages,promise high-wage manufacturing jobs and trash the Republican nominee for manufacturing his clothing line overseas . Trumps campaign only started buying airtime last month, but hes now rivaling Clintons numbersin all, he’s laidout more than $2million on Ohio TV, primarilyon a 30-second spot about the economy . In Hillary Clintons America, the middle class gets crushed, begins the ad. Spending goes up, taxes go up, hundreds of thousands of jobs disappear. Its more of the same, but worse. While the economy in Ohio has rebounded more than in other Rust Belt states, it has not been immune to hardships. Large plants and factories haverecorded close to 16,000layoffs as a result of closings in the past two years.
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Then what? Do these studies usher in a new era of genetic testing to select children for different types of education? Not quite. What we can learn from this data First, these results ‘explain variance’ at the group level, and we can’t easily translate this to individual prediction yet. To do that, we’d need a representative reference panel with which to compare individuals, like the standardization samples used in IQ research. It’s only a matter of time before this becomes a reality for many traits. Second, as the authors of these new polygenic studies note, these results don’t necessarily have clear policy implications: some might argue that we should use the scores to predict who will do best in school and select them into higher-quality education; others may argue we should use the scores to identify those who are likely to struggle. Some will suggest both, some neither. These varying interpretations and the quickly advancing science are why it’s crucial to begin a proper, fact-based debate about the potential uses of these genetic predictors. interview body languageIs it acceptable to predict people’s educational attainment from a genetic score in practical settings, or should these methods only be used in research?
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